| THERE ARE two obvious ways of looking at the situation in Sierra
Leone. One is optimistically; the other, pessimistically. A lot can be
said for both. However, a pessimistic outlook would only help to serve
notice of imminent demise into oblivion, on an otherwise good-natured and
friendly people, whose misfortune has been to have been ruled over by a
generation of corrupt and uncaring leaders.
Sierra Leone of course has by now probably hit the nadir of its bad
fortunes. It may well be that the only way out for it now is upwards, from
the trough of despondency, desperation and war-weariness.
I am optimistic therefore that if they take the chances that are beckoning
at them, the people of Sierra Leone, with their characteristic resilience
and bounteous energy, would bounce back to create a harmonious and peaceful
country for themselves and for their future generations.
For this vision to be attained, we need to initiate a process of drastic
stock-taking into our society to identify some of the chronic weaknesses
that have militated against our best and every endeavour so far to improve
things for ourselves.
As I am limited for time, I will single out just three of these weaknesses
– two from the political system that has operated ever since independence
1961; and one associated with the socio-economic policies, whose legacy
is the large and visible battalion of disadvantaged and disaffected citizens.
The impact of adversarial politics
The current political system is characterised by an adversarial
tendency that sees us putting an utterly disproportionate effort into
slandering one another and into manipulating negative scenarios that put
opponents in a bad light. We would never try to run a business, a school,
or a club on that basis. Why we feel that it is an appropriate way to run
a country baffles me. By choosing a system of adversarial politics, a very
small nation like ours is spending a lot of its energy and effort in utterly
negative activity. It is simply a waste of precious time. Over the years,
it has created a poison that has permeated the body politic and seeped
into most aspects of our national life. It simply accentuates our lack
of unity of purpose and action.
Increasingly, I see it also as an abuse of leadership responsibility
by politicians, and as setting a bad and wholly negative example of conduct
by the very people from whom the country is entitled to expect much more.
It has still not dawned on Sierra Leonean politicians, old as well as young,
that politics is, strictly speaking, a profession that should be setting
standards of leadership that can be emulated throughout the community.
Most of those who run the structures of government, and therefore control
most of the power, have come to put their own personal interests
above their responsibility to the society which they claim to represent.
Materialistic values such as money and assets - and the ability to keep
amassing more of the same - are often higher on their “to do” lists than
considerations for the collective betterment of the public. They manipulate
the awareness and energy of the public to achieve their own ends.
Opportunism and exploitation, i.e. the economic abuse of our compatriots,
is continuing to the present day. It has become a paradigm which
is founded on a small number of individuals thriving on the ignorance,
acquiescence and apathy of a public that is too naive to know how thoroughly
they (perhaps, unconsciously) serve the power elite.
Curbing selfish traits
The second weakness that constantly militates against our best national
efforts for progress is the very evident culture of underlying selfishness.
Here again, in order to help curb this trait and reverse its trend we need
to put in place structures that represent, and hopefully would fulfil,
the basic material and spiritual needs of the people and resist the temptation
for corruption which would detract from that goal. In other words, we want
a system in which gratuitous exploitation, greed, and elitism are recognised
as inherently anti-social, to be visited with public shame and, in the
case of corruption, legal sanctions.
This calls for a new concept that is oriented towards the ideals of
co-operation and sharing. What must change are the underlying
attitudes, the paradigms of those who operate and are influenced by the
systems. Every day, the unchanging story is of Sierra Leoneans allowing
themselves to be overwhelmed by defeatism, despondency and indifference.
This attitude causes the vast majority of people to say “I can’t do anything
about it”. Then everybody throws their hands up in the air and gives up
the power to influence things for the better. For example, I often
detect that people have become desensitised to corruption. They seem to
have accepted almost as a way of life.
If Sierra Leone is to begin to make any headway in this area, and particularly
also for the tasks it has to face in post war reconstruction, national
reconciliation and eventual development, then there need to be restrictions
on the licence that selfish politicians have which allows them to ride
on the backs of their unsuspecting compatriots, and which has enabled them
to create an underprivileged and disaffected class in the country.
The weakness of socio-economic measures
Sierra Leone's third chronic weakness lies in the attempts to grapple
with social and economic problems on a purely superficial level, rather
than on the level of their underlying causes. Surely the right time is
now, to investigate and analyse the events of the past, so as to construct
firm foundations for the future, and thereby avert a repetition of the
mistakes that provoked, for example, the ongoing civil unrest and confrontation.
In these present unhappy circumstances, what the country needs most
is a more resolute application of policies that have been proven in practice
and authenticated by experience elsewhere. These would include, for example,
measures that have unfailingly reversed negative social and economic trends
in other countries and swiftly replaced them with positive ones.
Sadly, one such would-be empirical example of success has recently been
dealt a terrible natural blow by a flood disaster, not of its own making,
from which it will take years for it to recover. I mean of course Mozambique,
which had undergone an experience of civil warfare similar to our own,
but was on the mend to an impressive recovery through the application of
a sensible and sustained programme of difficult but necessary policies.
Sierra Leone cannot hope to emulate pre-flood disaster Mozambique without
creating a positive environment for the management of its affairs.
It requires all hands on deck, and that includes the very best of our own
indigenous human resources. We need to raise a cadre of professional people
of outstanding calibre, who are available to serve selflessly in government.
Surely, there must be men and women who have achieved real distinction
in their careers, successful self-made business people, and people with
distinguished records in their professions who would want the opportunity
to serve their own people and make their (people's) lives worthwhile.
Let us even assume for the sake of argument that the next government,
of whichever party turns out to be the winner, is elected with an outright
majority. (I actually believe we are not ready for an election now and
I would opt for an interim arrangement, with a moratorium on political
rivalries, for the time being!) I would expect such a government to strive
to involve bright talents from the other parties in its administration.
It may well be that during its first term, such a government will have
problems neutralising significant residues of negative and reactionary
voices within its own ranks. But once it has settled into office, it should
have full access to recruit from other parties.
The challenge of disarmament and national reconciliation
In talking about a way forward for Sierra Leone, it has to be said
that we won't make a convincing start on tackling our problems without
achieving the desired success on the vexed issues of disarmament and rehabilitation
of combatants. Unfortunately, this is an issue which I sometimes
feel has been taken out of our - I mean the Sierra Leoneans' - hands completely.
A lot of players – external as well internal – are involved in the process,
all of them with varying agenda, which downplays and even reduces to insignificance
the input of Sierra Leonean civil society. However, because of the weaknesses
and tendencies that I have been describing earlier, our current civil society
is itself not quite ready to take up and discharge its own historical responsibility.
It was not, and has never been, prepared to face a cataclysmic event like
the nine blistering years of civil war.
The promotion and attainment of peace and national harmony is the key
to the country's future development. It requires us to know and face the
causes of the armed confrontation and its consequences, in such a way as
to put an end to the social, ethnic and cultural divisions it has generated.
Once that has been done, we must forge an inclusive, as opposed to an exclusive,
process which facilitates social participation and the contribution of
all Sierra Leoneans without discrimination, in the fulfilment of public
duties and in all the processes, including the institutions, created thereunder.
Currently, there is widespread suspicion and a palpable lack of confidence
among ordinary people. One way in which we can start to build confidence
is urgently to create and put into effect a credible and deliverable programme
of reparation for the victims, and their relatives, of human rights violations
and acts of violence connected with the civil war.
In this respect we would need to underpin such a programme with measures
inspired by transparency and the principles of equality, grass roots participation
and respect for cultural identity or diversity, among which at least the
following should figure:
-
restoration of material possessions so that, as far as is possible, the
situation existing before the violations can be re-established, particularly
in the case of land and property ownership;
-
indemnification or economic compensation of the most serious injuries and
losses resulting as a direct consequence of the violations of human rights
and of humanitarian law;
-
psychosocial rehabilitation and reparation, which should include, among
others, medical attention and community mental health care, and likewise
the provision of legal and social services;
-
the satisfaction and restoration of the dignity of the individual, which
should include acts of moral and symbolic reparation.
These will require a lot of money and resources for their implementation
which Sierra Leone cannot presently afford. But if such a programme is
accepted, especially by the international community, as the linchpin for
real peace, reconciliation and stability in Sierra Leone, then every effort
should be put into raising the necessary funds for it and facilitating
its attainment.
Needless to say, the armed confrontation has left deep wounds in individuals,
in families and in society as a whole. Since together they form the main
component of what we know as Civil Society, their well-being deserves the
very best and most attention. For it is only through the instrumentality
of civil society, with the correct guidance and leadership from the government,
that a long and complex process like that envisaged under the Lomé
Peace Agreement of July 1999, can be realised and for true national reconciliation
to be achieved.
Conclusion
Despite my misgivings and the doubts that I have expressed earlier,
I am still confident that things can, and must, change for the better in
Sierra Leone. It will doubtless be a difficult undertaking for any government.
Change will not happen until Sierra Leoneans wake up from the deep slumber
that makes it convenient for the few immensely powerful but corrupt people
among them and their self-serving structures to take advantage over them.
Every Sierra Leonean henceforth needs to metamorphose into an activist
for that to happen. Hence civic education must be pursued with renewed
vigour and be more focussed than it is now.
Of course I am fully aware that I say these things with the advantage
of a long range patriot, operating at a safe distance from the ravages
of war, shielded from its effects which confront ordinary people and the
present government daily. Decisions have to be taken in the heat of battle
sometimes and things can go wrong, as they often have. I hesitate therefore
to lay down rules or make prescriptions that I myself would not be called
upon to carry out.
I would also hesitate to blame ordinary people in our society for so
aimlessly submitting to the control by politicians. The fact of the matter
is that our society has become so complex and so mixed up that it is difficult
for most civilians to figure out what is worth fighting for, or to identify
what has gone wrong with it, and how best to run the country's affairs.
Therefore in this singular respect, it is perhaps fortuitous that some
of us who live outside that environment and want the best for our country
can, with the advantages of personal security and relative freedom, look
at Sierra Leone's plight objectively to come up with possible solutions.
The current state of our society is such that many people are caught
in belief patterns which themselves directly or indirectly perpetuate social
problems. There is currently an understandable desire for revenge for rebel
atrocities. It is a feeling that is consuming the energy and resourcefulness
of thousands of Sierra Leoneans. A way has to be found to assuage these
feelings so that they do not go out of control and lead to other more intractable
problems.
Thus, how we deal with these( legitimately held) sensitivities and other
negative belief patterns is a challenge not for the present sometimes backward-looking
generation of politicians but for a younger, aspiring and visionary breed.
The immediate task now is to clear the decks and to equip the latter
with all that is necessary for them to face this challenge head on.
08/04/00
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