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Introduction
'Veni, vidi, vinci' (I came, I saw,
I conquered) was how the soldier, Julius Caesar, boasted to the Roman senate
upon his return to Rome, following his successful campaigns in Egypt, Syria
and Pontus in 47 BC. The clear signal
to friends and foe alike was unmistakable; Caesar was back, from his campaign
in the North, where he easily defeated the ambitious Pharnaces II, son of the
Mithridates, who had invaded the province of Asia. Some historians say that it became Caesar's slogan whenever he
conquered new provinces for the Romans. The same is not true of either UNAMSIL
or their predecessors ECOMOG in Sierra Leone. ECOMOG came, saw and did not conquer.
They came with a mandate, from the Nigerian military dictator Sani Abacha,
who claimed to act in the name of West Africa’s regional power Ecowas, to
restore the ousted government of President Tejan Kabbah and, in the words of
their militant supporters at the time, to “finally wipe the rebels from the
face of Sierra Leone”. They succeeded
in their first objective as Kabbah's government was restored, after much
needless bloodshed. However, they
failed to deliver the second.
Instead, Sierra Leoneans were fed daily with unsubstantiated claims of
impending victory over the rebels, which were punctuated with an infinite
string of illusory 'mopping-up' operations.
In fact, the rebel opposition was becoming more reckless and ruthless
in its operations. Eventually there
were last minute peace talks in Lomé (Republic of Togo) in July 1999. Ecomog did not conquer the rebels but gave
them a bloody nose, though it, too, suffered huge losses including many dead
and seriously wounded. But they
checked the rebel advances and punctured their confidence, except on the one
notable occasion when the rebels, spearheaded by ex Sierra Leone Army
soldiers, breached Freetown's defences in January 1999, and thousands of
innocent citizens were slaughtered. UNAMSIL on the other hand has come, seen
and has yet to conquer. That is
probably because its campaign in Sierra Leone is a very different one
altogether. Conquering was never part
of the UNAMSIL mandate. They are in
Sierra Leone to keep the peace, albeit a peace that does not as yet fully
exist. The outfit has been dogged by
the Sierra Leone public's misunderstanding of its proper role and about the
nature, scope, and extent of its mandate right from the start of its
operations. Sierra Leoneans, who had
been led to believe that the UN outfit would take the rebels on with full
force, soon realised the contrary to their shock horror and
disappointment. They became openly
hostile to UNAMSIL and began to make disparaging remarks about its
effectiveness. In military terms,
this has made UNAMSIL's more-than-one-year experience in Sierra Leone a far
from happy one for its members. But
why Sierra Leoneans believed that UNAMSIL could do a better job than the
brave and well-trained Nigerians, who threw everything at the rebels, still
remains a cause for amazement! Lately there have been marked
improvements in relations with the Sierra Leone public, to which a much
appreciated but still ambivalent British military presence has contributed
largely. Although it had a shaky
start, UNAMSIL’s operations have steadied in the last six months, and it has
managed to reassert its influence on the scene with greater confidence and
effectiveness, thanks again to the overtly bashful British who are
irritatingly reluctant to place themselves directly under the UN
mandate. UNAMSIL has been carrying
out its mandate, negotiating with the RUF and the CDF whenever possible, and
have been deploying their troops in those areas that have been voluntarily
ceded by militias on all sides. The
process is gathering pace and UNAMSIL seems, at last, to be at ease with
itself. Extra-military consequences - the HIV/AIDS
factor
So much then, for the pursuit and
attainment of military objectives.
But now, if having come and seen, and neither ECOMOG nor UNAMSIL have
conquered in Sierra Leone, what then, you may ask, have they done? Certainly, as our brief account above
shows, a lot! However, what really
concern us most in the rest of this commentary are those extra-military
aspects of the presence of UNAMSIL and ECOMOG in Sierra Leone. In the absence of the UN report, which
we hope will be out very soon, we take our cue from selected parts of the
article in the Guardian (UK): War injects Aids into the tragedy of Sierra Leone, written by its correspondent in Freetown, James
Astill. This one, for example, charges
that: 'The war has also
brought thousands of peacekeeping troops into Sierra Leone. Heavily infected states from which they
have been drawn include Zambia, Kenya, and Nigeria. One study found that of 800 of these troops tested for AIDS
(mainly Nigerians), 700 proved positive - though again, the test was given
only to those soldiers showing symptoms.' In terms of Sierra Leone's future, this will rank as the sting in
the tail. Three brief comments will
suffice for now:
Consequently, we feel bound to ask some searching questions:
We could go on, but these are the basic questions, to which we
expect honest answers. We hope
that those who habitually, instinctively, describe such probing by Focus on
Sierra Leone as anti-government and pro rebel, will try to focus on the
issues this time. There is no
mileage for anyone in raising and discussing a vital issue like this one
other than safeguarding the physical well being of a battered and bruised
community, which will hopefully soon begin to emerge from the ravages of a
long civil war. It is a matter of
life and death. The HIV/AIDS
virus was already here …in our army, new as well as old
In discussing the presence of HIV
carriers among UNAMSIL troops, one must bear in mind the crucial fact that
there had already been HIV/AIDS infection among Sierra Leone's own military
(i.e. whatever is left of it). Again,
says Astill: "According to the report, commissioned by the World Health
Organisation (WHO) and Sierra Leone's health ministry, 1,000 of 1,500 male
Sierra Leonean soldiers and would-be recruits sampled in the past three years
tested positive for HIV.” One must assume that these figures
include soldiers and recruits, who are being trained or retrained for the new
Sierra Leone army. By any account,
the training of this new outfit by the British has progressed very well, well
enough for Ms Clare Short, Britain’s Secretary of State for the Department of
International Development (DFID), during a short visit to Freetown last
April, to taunt and tease the rebels about the end not being far off for
them. Nevertheless, the statistics
thrown at us by the quote above mean that the new army is already proving to
be a precarious adventure, with two-thirds of its intake potentially being
decimated even before they embark upon the task for which they are being
prepared. This would be an
embarrassment for all concerned, not least for the British government, whose
reason for being in Sierra Leone has crystallised into a firm decision to
stay and retrain a new army. It goes
to the heart of their intervention policy in Sierra Leone and brings to the
fore, questions about current methods of recruitment, and health screening
and monitoring that have been applied. However, the problem does not end there
because the article again paints the wider picture as follows: "Major James Samba, chairman of the HIV/AIDS
committee for the armed forces - established by the Sierra Leone army (SLA)
and a British army medical team working alongside it - estimates that between
a quarter and a third of the 12,000 men in his country's army are HIV
positive. This disclosure, unlike the others,
comes as no surprise. Once it is
accepted that AIDS is present among the Sierra Leonean community, the
probability of the army being affected as well is great because of the
pre-eminent role that it plays in the nation, including its many functional
and social interfaces with society at large.
However, the revelation is equally alarming in view of the proportions
of personnel affected. Between 3 and
4 thousand out of 12 thousand is a phenomenal number for a relatively small
body. In crude statistical terms, if
you were to project this ratio over the entire population of Sierra Leone,
you would end up with something like 1.2 million affected persons. Even that would not be far from the
reality, seen against statistics such as those for Kenya and Zimbabwe and
South Africa, or as shown (by clicking)
here. In fact, this is the thrust of
Dr Major Samba who is quoted as saying "AIDS
in the civilian population could be on a par with the army…There is the
possibility of seeing the same situation here as in east or south
Africa". That's how apocalyptic the prospect for
Sierra Leone has become. Conclusion The point of this commentary is
simple. There is HIV/AIDS in the
country. We cannot now turn back the
clock. What is needed is a massive
health education and awareness campaign.
Recent history has shown that the only countries that have succeeded
in minimising the spread of HIV/AIDS have done so by being open, up-front and
changing the attitudes and behaviour of the population at large. Awareness of risks of unprotected sex
contact (the condom) and basic medical hygiene, e.g. not re-using needles
(not easy when medical supplies are scarce, but if the alternative is
HIV/AIDS), are essential. Real
leadership, not scapegoating, is needed to confront and tackle the problem,
in the hope of meeting it before it becomes a widespread national tragedy. © FSL 31/05/01 |